The third fragment had only ALLIFANIS, CEREATIS.

103 Published In Degrassi, 1963, vol. XÏÏI.2, p. 302.

E) Reports of Parapegmata

E,iJ Cicero, in a letter to Atticus104 announcing that tomorrow will be the beginning of his year in office in Laodicea, says (following all modern editions): Ex ea die, si me arnas, Trapdmiyna ¿viauaiov commoveto. The next day he sends another letter105 saying Ex hoc die clavum anni movebis. A number of problems have arisen in the interpretation of these passages, which have not been completely resolved.

The Loeb edition, translated by Winstedt,106 follows Tyrell and Purser's 1890 edition which offers the following commentary:

■rcapdmiyua] The very same meaning is conveyed by clavum anni movebis in the next letter. The phrase is said by the old commentators to take its rise 'from an old custom which came from Etruria to Rome, whereby the Pontifex Maximus, on the Ides of September, stuck a nail into the right wall of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, to keep count of the years.' Commoveto, like movebis, in the next letter, is used as a Latin equivalent for Kiveiv in the sense of 'to take in hand,' e.g. etdvouv Svpoov ¿5 patcxetinaTa. Eur. Bacch. 724.107

A few years after this was written, the Miletus and Puteoli parapegmata were discovered, offering an alternative interpretation noted by Constans and Bayet in the Bud6 edition. In a note on the phrase TrapdiiTiytia ¿viauaiov commoveto, they say

C'est-à-dire: compte de ce jour mon année de charge. II s'agit d'un calendrier à fiches mobiles. On a trouvé récemment à Pouzzoles iPuteoli] un fragment de calendrier latin de ce genre.108

But they refer to the older interpretation in their note on Cicero's next letter, commenting on clavum anni movebis:

Clauom (sic) anni mouebis: littéralement 'tu déplaceras <sur ton calendrier mobile> la fiche marquant l'année'. Cf. Att.f V, 14,1: Trapdimyua èviaûoiov commoueto.—Mais l'expression semble être une métaphore assez usée, remontant à l'ancien rite de la 'plantation (annuelle) du clou', par le prsetor maximus ou un dictateur, dans le mur du temple de Jupiter au Capitole.109

Shackleton-Bailey, in his edition of the Letters to Atticus follows Constans by mentioning the Puteoli calendar as an example of the kind of time-keeping device referred to by Cicero, but he does not repeat the nail-in-the-temple-wall story.110

While I think that Constans and Bayet's double entendre is not impossible, I would argue that Cicero primarily has in mind a calendrical parapegma in both passages: in the first, because he says so explicitly, and in the second, because he refers to 'moving' the nail, a practice nowhere attributed to the Pontffex Maximus, who was supposed to have added a new nail for each year.111 I note in this context that a clavus does not correspond directly to our word 'nail', but can refer also to a metal, wooden or bone peg, such as was used in the parapegmata.

108 Constans and Bayet, 1969, vol. QI, p. 242, n. 2.

111 The veracity of this ancient story does not concern me here. All that matters is what Cicero may or may not have believed. For an ancient account of driving the nail into the temple, see e.g., Livy, VII.iii.4 f. Specifically note that Cinclus reports having seen clavos (plural) marking the number of years.

Looking at the Latin parapegmata published by Degrassi in 1963, we can, I think, be fairly certain that Cicero was referring not to the kind of parapegma found at Puteoli, as Cons tans and Shackleton-Bailey supposed, but to one more like the Guidizzolo Fasti. Unlike the astrometeorological fragment from Puteoli, the Guidizzolo Fasti seems to be strictly calendrical, with the peg moved daily to keep track solely of calendar dates.

It is worth pointing out that the text of Cicero is corrupt at just this point, insofar as none of the MSS reads napdirriyMa in this passage. Instead we find TTapdyyeXna, nAITErMA, or TTATTETMA, obviously none of which are acceptable.112 Curiously, TunstalTs emendation of this to Trapdmnyucc, made in 1741, was based on no knowledge of inscriptional parapegmata, which were only discovered in the early part of this century.113 This fact led to the odd interpretations found in the nineteenth and early twentieth-century editions, as noted above. The discovery of the Puteoli fragment seemed to vindicate what was a good bit of divinatio on Tunstall's part.

In any case I think it safe to conclude that Tunstall's emendation is essentially correct, though for reasons Tunstall could not have foreseen, and that Cicero is referring in these passages to a calendrical parapegma similar to the Guidizzolo Fasti.

113 To be sure some had been found earlier, but they were not yet known to be parapegmata.

E.ii) Petronius in the Satyricon114 has Encolpius mention seeing something that sounds very like an astrological parapegma in the house of Trimalchion:

sub eo titulo et lucerna bUychnis de camera pendebat, et duse tabulae in utroque paste deflxse, quorum altera, si bene memini, hoc habebat inscriptum: "in. et pridie Kalendas Ianuarias C. nosterforas cenat," altera lunae cursum stellarumque septem imagines pictas; et qui dies boni quique incommodi essent, distbiguente bulla notabantur.

Under this inscription there hung from the ceiling a double lamp, and there were two boards fixed to the two posts, of which the one, if I remember correctly, had this inscribed: 'III. and pr. K. Jan., our C. dines outdoors.' The other (had inscribed) the course of the moon, and painted pictures of the seven stars, and which days were good and which bad were marked by a peg that distinguished them.

The seven stars surely refer to the deities of the hebdomadal week115

(and if so, this is an early reference to them). Distinguente bulla is in the singular, and so cannot mean "distinctive knobs," as Heseltine believes.116 The 'course of the moon* may well have been simply the numbers I-XXX as in so many Roman parapegmata, and these would seem to have been marked by a separate peg from the weekdays.

Rehm agrees that the calendar marked the hebdomadal days and lunar days, but thinks there were many bullee which he argues would probably have been of different colours, or painted with letters to mark the two kinds of day.117 D61ger thinks that a white peg was

114 Petronius Arbiter, Sat, 30.

115 Heseltlne's note that the "seven stars" refers to the "sun, earth (I), and planets Mercury, Venus, Mars, Saturn, (and] Jupiter" Is absurd. See Petronius Arbiter, Sat, p. 53, n. 1.

116 See Petronius Arbiter, Sat, p. 53.

used to mark lucky days and a black one to mark unlucky days.118 But I am unconvinced: if particular hebdomadal days were seen in themselves as lucky or unlucky, I see no reason why coloured or marked pegs must have been used. That is, the days (good and bad in themselves) were simply marked with a peg. The peg need not have specified the qualities.

E.iW Diodorus Siculus119 paraphrases Hecataeus of Abdera's third-century B.C. report of an astrometeorological parapegma in the tomb of Ramses II. According to the story told to Hecataeus, the calendar, made of gold, was plundered by Cambyses in the sixth century B.C. It is reported to have had entries for 365 days, listing the stellar risings and settings and the changes in the weather for each day "according to the Egyptian astrologers."

If Hecataeus' source is correct, then this would be by far the oldest astrometeorological text. But of course the more-than-third -hand story, told to one Greek by another, who heard it from some unnamed person (perhaps a local "guide," as untrustworthy then as now) carries no conviction on its own.

E.iv) Proclus mentions the making of parapegmata in his commentary on Plato's Republic.120 In a discussion of how

118 Dolger, 1950, p. 205. He bases this on Macrobius* comment that the Kalends, Nones and Ides were "black" [atrosj days. See Macrobius, Sat 1.16.21.

119 Diodorus Siculus, 1.49.5.

astronomers model irregular stellar phenomena using a combination of several regular mathematical operations, he says;

So also those who make parapegmata imitate, with the usual arithmetic, nature, which created those things before arithmetic and contemplation.

F) Related Texts and Instruments

F.i) The Babylonian omen series Enuma Anu Enlil includes some weather predictions from fixed stars. These are not ordered or dated, and the exact relation is left unclear: "Entenabarbum (is) for early wind," where the relation ("(is) for") is simply expressed with the preposition ana. For a more detailed discussion of this text, see chapter 7.

F.iil The Babylonian astronomical compendium MUL.APINassociates the annual motion of the sun with seasonal weather changes, as well as giving schematic lunar calendar dates for stellar phases, and a list of stellar phase date differences. For more on this, see chapter 7.

F.iii) The cl-tfcnna Naos121 is the only extant Egyptian example of an astrometeorological text. It dates from the early fourth century B.C. For a detailed description of it, see the chapter Egyptian Astrometeorology, below. Its relation to the Greek and Latin material is unknown.

F.ivJ The letter from Diocles of Carystus (fourth or third century B.C.) to King Antigonus of Macedonia ends with a list of the beginnings and ends of the seasons122 relative to the solstices,

121 Leitz, 1995.

122 Diocles of Carystus,, p. 77-8.

equinoxes, and the phases of certain stars.123 Diodes correlates these with the prominent illnesses for each season. He also tells us how long each season is, in days. He does not correlate the seasons with any calendrical dates.

F,v) The Hippocratic treatise Peri Hebdomadon124 contains a short chapter which lists the divisions of the seasons according to the solstices, equinoxes, and the phases of certain prominent fixed stars. For each season it lists the maladies which are common at that time of year. The Hippocratic work On Regimen125 also divides the seasons in the same way, and tells the reader what food and activity are proper to each season. It mentions a few pieces of information similar to that in the parapegmata, such as winds and the return of the swallows, but these are attached to seasons generally, rather than to specific dates or phases.

F.vii) The Eudoxus Papyrus (P. Par. 1) was published by Friedrich Blass in 1887.126 It is a Greek text dating from probably the second century B.C.127 and at least partly derived from P. Hibeh, though much garbled. Apart from the acrostic, which reads Ei/5o£ou t^xvti.

123 see Rehm, 1941, p. 37 f. for a discussion of the Greek seasonal divisions.

124 Hippocrates, vol. vm, p. 616-673.

126 Reprinted by Zeitschrift Für Papyrologle und Eplgraphik in 1997. See Blass, 1997.

127 Blass, 1997, p. 79, Grenfell and Hunt, 1906, p. 143.

the text has little obvious connection to what we know of Eudoxus' astronomy.128 The only content pertaining in any way to a parapegma is a list of the number of days intervening between certain stellar phases, similar to the one found in Varro.129 For example: "From the (setting of) the Pleiades to the setting of Orion, 22 days; from (the setting of) Orion to the setting of Sirius, 2 days; from (the setting of) Sirius to the solstice, 24 days..."130 This is followed by a list of season-lengths according to Eudoxus, Democritus, Euctemon, and Callippus. No calendar dates are given other than the report that "according to Eudoxus and Democritus, the winter solstice (happens) on either the 19th or 20th of Athyr."131 There is nothing in the way of weather.

Since no known parapegmata contain an explicit list of day-differences, and since this text contains only one entry resembling any parapegma, it seems unfounded to suppose that this text represents a kind of parapegma, as Rehm, Neugebauer and others have done.132

128 Neugebauer, HAMA, p. 687 f.

129 Varro, RR, 1.28; There Is some similarity, too with Columella, RRIX. 14, where he says that there are forty-eight days of spring, which he defines as the time between the equinox "which occurs on about {circaf the Vm K. April, in the eighth degree of Aries" and the rising of the Pleiades. He also mentions that there are roughly (fere) thirty days from the (summer) solstice to the rising of Sirius, and roughly fifty from Sirius to the rising of Arcturus. But the ambiguity and incompleteness of his numbers precludes this from being an ¿orpcov Siao-rfjiicxTa as Rehm claims (Rehm, 'Parapegma', RE, col. 1309).

131 Blass, 1997, col. XXII.

132 Rehm, 'Parapegma', RE; Neugebauer, HAMA, p. 686 f.

F.viiiJ Varro,133 in his first-century B.C. work On Agriculture, gives a short description of the seasons in terms of the number of days intervening between certain stellar phases and the solstices and equinoxes. In its entirety, it reads as follows:

suptUius descriptus temporibus obsertxmda qusedam sunt, eaque in partes VHI dividuntur: primum a favonio ad sequinoctium verruun dies XLV, hinc ad vergUiarum exortum dies XLIV, ab hoc ad solstitium dies XLUX, inde ad caniculse signum dies XXVII, dein ad sequinoctium cuitumnale dies LXVQ, exin ad vergUiarum occasum dies XXXII, ab hoc ad brumam dies LVU, inde adfavonium dies XLV.

In more accurate divisions of the seasons there are some things to be noted, and (the seasons) are reckoned in eight parts: the first from the west wind to the vernal equinox, 45 days; from there to the rising of the Pleiades, 44 days; from this to the solstice, 48 days; then to the rising of Sirius, 27 days; next to the autumnal equinox, 67 days; from that to the setting of the Pleiades, 32 days; from this to the winter solstice, 57 days; then to the west wind, 45 days.

While I think this sort of text, like the Eudoxus papyrus, is clearly related to the parapegmata, I do not think it is sufficiently similar to warrant inclusion as actually being one.

F.ixJ The citation from Hyginus' De apibus in Columella134 is a description of the seasons relative to the solstices, equinoxes, and the phases of the fixed stars, with some discussion of the behaviour of bees at each season.

Fjc] The Ara Paris Sundial135 in Rome used an Egyptian obelisk as a huge gnomon to indicate the sun's position in the zodiac. The inscriptions are in Greek. Pliny reports that it was designed by a certain Nov(i)us Facundus and erected under the patronage of Augustus.136 In the preserved part, the beginning of summer and the end of the Etesian winds were indicated by the length of the noon shadow.

F.xi) Other ancient Sundials indicated zodiacal months,137 calendrical months,138 solstices and equinoxes,139 and the phases of fixed stars.140 Occasionally the winds are inscribed around sundials as directional indicators,141 but none other than that in the Ara Paris seem to have been used to actually predict a wind.

FjcW In Galen's Commentary on Epidemics I,142 there is a discussion of the divisions of the seasons, marked by the solstices, equinoxes and stellar phases, in the context of Galen's discussion of seasonal weather patterns. Insofar as the he is talking about longer term weather patterns, rather than the weather on particular days,

135 published by Buchner, 1982.

139 Glbbs, 1976, # 1072G, 1074, 1075, 3047,3050G, 3058G, 3060G, 4001G, 4007, 4008G, 4009, 4010, 5021.

140 Gibbs, 1976, # 1G01 (EGJIA ETTI(TEAAEI), 1073 (kucov EK<pavfa), 7001G (TrXeidScw 6uo»s x*»U<£>vos TTXcfaj ¿K9avfjs [8£]pou$ apxfi: kucov Etctpavrfc).

Galen's work is much more general than the astrometeorological parapegmata.

Fjciii) The Astronomical Ephemerides143 seem to have performed some of the functions of the astrological and astronomical parapegmata. Specifically, the Ephemeris of 140,144 complete for most of August, correlates dates in the Roman calendar with Alexandrian calendar dates, days of the week (Saturdays are marked, the rest presumably interpolated), and the dates of planetary entries into zodiacal signs.

The Ephemeris of 467145 correlates days of the week (every seventh day, probably Saturday, is marked with a number), Roman dates, Alexandrian dates, lunar days, the moon's zodiacal sign, longitude, the time of the moon's entry into each sign, the sun's longitude, the daily positions of the other planets, as well as a column which informs us whether the particular day is good, bad, or indifferent. Two later epehmerides, P. Vind. G. 29370b and 29370 (from 471 and 489, respectively) also include days of the week.146

A description of the making of ephemerides in some MSS of Theon's commentary on Ptolemy's Handy Tables shows that the ephemerides could sometimes have also included fixed-star astrometeorological predictions like the parapegmata, as well as lunar

143 For a general description of ephemerides, see Jones, 1999a, p. 40-42.

144 Jones, 1994.

145 Curtis and Robblns, 1935.

and hebdomadal information. The whole of the description reads as follows:

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