For a more detailed account see, for example, Needham, J. (1956) and Ho Peng Yoke (1985).
See Ho Peng Yoke (1985a).
See Chang Yung-tang irS?^® (1987), Mingmo Fangsbi xuepai yanjiu chubian W^Ki^ifW%Wm (Preliminary Study of the Fang School of Thought at the End of the Ming Period) (Taipei) and Chang Yung-tang (1994), Mingmo Qingchu Lixue yu Kexue guanxi zailun (Further
Discussion on the Relation between Lixue and Science at the End of the Ming and the Beginning of the Qing Dynasty) (Taipei). Also see Ho Peng Yoke (1985a).
These are the Hindu equivalent of the 'Four Elements', namely prthivi-dbatu (earth), ab-dhatu (water), tejo-dhatu (fire), and vd yu-dbdtu (wind). They are associated with the nature of solidity, fluidity, warmth and motion respectively. They were rendered into Chinese as dida ftkA, shuida tKA, buoda XA, and fengda Mjz when the Buddhist took them along to China. Kalinowski, M. (1991), Cosmologie et Divination dans la Cbine Ancienne: Le Compendium des Cinq Agents (Paris). For annotations of the Wuxing dayi, see Nakamura, Shohachi TffiA (1984), Wuxing dayi jiaozbu E^TAiS'Rst (Annotations of the Wuxing dayi) (Tokyo). See also Kalinowski, M. (1990), 'Scientific Literature in the Wuxin dayi', Sixth International Conference on the History of Science in China, 2-7 August 1990, Cambridge. For a more detailed account, see Cullen (1986).
For graphical representations of the phases of the wuxing, see Ho Peng Yoke
In the Dunjia section Dunjia jingzuan M ^ M.W-.
See Smith (1991). Intensive research on this topic is being pursued by Huang Yi-Long at the National Tsing-Hua University, Hsinchu. See, for example, Huang Yi-Long (1999), 'A Study on the Tradition of Selecting of Auspicious Time and Space in Chinese Society through the Strips Excavated at Yinwan Han Tomb' (in Chinese), Paper presented at the Fifth Conference on the History of Chinese Science, Nankang, 27-28 March 1999. Yano Michio is undertaking a similar investigation of the Japanese almanac. See Chapter 3, Figure 3.2.
See Needham, J. (1959), Science and Civilisation in China, 3:55-62. On the subject of magic squares in general, see Andrews, W.E. (1908), Magic Squares and Cubes (Chicago). On Chinese magic squares see, for example, Li Yan (1935), Zhongsuanshi luncong 4"ftiiLlraii (Collected Papers on the History of Chinese Mathematics) (Shanghai); Ho Peng Yoke (1973), 'Magic Squares in East and West', Papers in Far Eastern History 8:115-141; Lam Lay Yong (1977), A Critical Study of the Yang Hui Suan Fa (Singapore University Press, Singapore); Lih Ko-Wei(1986), 'Lun Bao Qishou de huanyuantu ffHH' (On Bao Qishou's Magic Circles), Kejishi tongxun, 5 (Supplement), 2:67-79; and Wang Rongbin (1990), 'Ding Yidong dui zonghengtu de yanjiu TM*tf(Ding Yidong's Study on Magic Squares), Sbuxuesbi yanjiu wenji, 1:74-82.
Volkov, Alexi, observes the numerological aspect of this book in Volkov, A. (1999), 'From Numerology to Arithmetic: the Early Chinese Counting Devices', Sixth Symposium on the History of Science and Technology, Nankang, Taipei, 26-27 March 1999.
According to Chinese tradition, this system of the Yijing, also known as Zhouyi JSlJj, is one of the three that survives. The other two were the Liansban Sill and the Guizang liS systems.
Luo Guicheng HÍÉJÍ; (1982), Tang-Song Yin-Yang wuxing lunji (Ir^fél&ilLff sÉíil (Collections of Tang and Song Discussions on the Yin and Yang and the wuxing) (Hong Kong) collects many items on the Hetu and Luoshu from the Tang and Song periods.
The number 9 and the number 4 represent Metal. In the system of the Yijing, qian represents both heaven and Metal. Nine is the largest single digit number in the decimal system. The numbers 5 and 10 both represent Earth. In the system of the Yijing, kun 143 represents both earth and Earth. The importance of the number 5 is shown in the central position of the Luoshu Chart. See Needham, J. (1956) Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 2 (Cambridge University Press), pp.280ff.
See Jao Tsung-i fÉ^SI and Zeng Xiantong H.^ffi (1982) Yunmeng Qinjian Rishu yanjiu IIS^iRflS 0 (On the Qin Bamboo Slips Book on Day Selec tions recovered in Yunmeng) (Chinese University of Hongkong Press, Hong Kong).
See Anderson, Poul (1989-90), 'The Practice of Bugang', Cahiers d'Extréme-Asie 5. I owe this point to M. Kalinowski.
The origin of Nine Colour-Quadrates remains unknown. I owe this point to
The Japanese example is taken from an almanac produced in a shrine and given to me by the wife of Professor Suguro Hiroshi j}#53A when I visited their home in Urawa ffiffl in 1976. We were then having a conversation on the influence of Chinese culture in modern Japan. Note that the calendars published in 1985 and 1976 in Hong Kong and Japan respectively still adopt the traditional Chinese custom of putting south at the top and north at the bottom in the compass, but a luni-solar calendar for the year 1995 published in Taiwan follows modern convention by turning the traditional system through an angle of 180 degrees. Meanwhile, the modern convention is already used among some fengshui practitioners in Hong Kong. For the Eight Gates, see Chapter 4.
See Huang Yi-Long (1992b), 'Dunhuang ben juzhu liri xintan' SWl^AftlB 0 ifrl? Xinshixue Xinshixue 3.4:1-56. Earlier use of the jianchu cycle is given in Jao Tsung-i and Zeng Xiantong (1982).
For a concise account of early Chinese calendars see Cullen, C. (1996). In the West, the cycle of 235 lunations in 19 years is named after Meton of Athens (fl. 430 bc), see Neugebauer (1975). See, for example, Shinsei Shinzó (1933).
Needham, J. (1959), Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 3 (Cambridge). See Qu Anjing (1992a), 'Dong Han dao Liu Song shiqi lifa shangyuanjinian jisuan WrM', Acta Astronómica Sínica, 32.4:436
439 and Qu Anjing (1992b) 'Tang Song lifa yanji shangyuan shili ji suanfa fenxi' Studies in the History of Natural Sci ences, 10.4:315-326.
Data extracted from Zhu Wenxin t^XIS (1934), Lifa tongzhi üffisIS (Shanghai).
For Guo Shoujing see, for example, Ho Peng Yoke (1993), 'Kuo Shou-ching', Igor de Rachewiltz et al., In the Service of the Khan: Eminent Personalities in the Early Mongol-Yuan Period (1200-1300), Wiesbaden, pp.282-299. See Kalinowski (1991).
See Ho Peng Yoke (1991d), 'Chinese Science: the Traditional Chinese View', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 65.3:506-519 and Ho Peng Yoke (1995), 'Cong kejishi guandian tan yishu' Í5ÉÍ4SÍ SifiH?!» (The Yijing system of divination from the standpoint of history of science) (in
Chinese), Zhongguo kejisbi lunwenji l43E3Ii4i£3feii$i3til (Collected Papers on the History of Chinese Science and Technology) (Taipei), 19-34. Note that the word yi ft will be used in a different sense when it refers to six different stem-branch combinations in the system of Qitnen Dunjia RiFli®'?. See Chapter 4.
Modern convention is already adopted by many modern sbushu practitioners.
3 THE TAIYI SYSTEM IN THE THREE COSMIC BOARDS See Li Ling (1995-96).
See Tang liudian, juan 14. I owe this point to M. Kalinowski. See Yan Dunjie flSSSCifc (1985) 'Shipan zongshu ^SSHj^', Kaogu xuebao 4:445464. This refers only to the Taiyi method in the three cosmic board systems. There were other schools of Taiyi. Sbiji (juan 127, Rizbeliezhuan H ii^'iffl) mentions a Taiyi school (Taiyijia J\—M) at the time of the Han emperor Wudi. See Ho Peng Yoke (1996a) 'The Tai-i Method of Divination and the Historiographer's Remarks in the Chronicle of Emperor Kao-ti in Nan-Ch'i-shu' (in Chinese), The Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, 62.2:383-413.
All the technical terms involved are explained under the section on the Taiyi method on pp.42ff.
Should read 'Canjiang J^'I^P (Lieutenant) instead of 'Canxiang\ The two Generals were not 'confined' according to the Taiyi board calculated for the year. However, in the following sub-section on 'The Taiyi cosmic board' two important indicators on the fortune at battles, known as the 'Host Count' and the 'Guest Count', will be described. For this particular case, the Host Count is 16 and the Guest Count 3. The interpretation is that the host was favoured rather than the guest.
The following sub-section on 'The Taiyi cosmic board' also mentions the number of combinations of the setting up of the cosmic board, known as ju M (Configurations). There are 360 Configurations each for the Yang and the Yin order. The year mentioned gives rise to Configuration 222, but it does not show the occurrence given in the text. What the text says would have happened 120 years earlier in Configuration 102 when Taiyi would have been in the same palace as in Configuration 222.
According to Configuration 234 for that year, both the Guest General and the Lieutenant would be found in the centre of the board, an indication that they would be unable to play any active part in the war.
'That year' should read 'The 3rd year of the Shengming reign-period' for the passage to make sense, or else Taiyi would not have been in Palace Eight. Liangsbu, juan 35. See Yamada Keiji OjE^ (1980).
Many names used by the Mesopotamians for heavenly bodies were the same as those applied to deities. Venus, for example, was the goddess Inana to the Sumerians and the goddess Ishtar to the Akkadians, though also known by the name Delebat which, although taking a divine determinative, was not a name applied to anything other than the planet. See Brown, D., Mesopotamian Planetary Astronomy-Astrology (2000). See also Enuma Anu Enlil, tablets. I owe this point to Dr David Brown of Wolfson College, Oxford. See for example Wuxing dayi, juan 5, pp.lb-2a and Kalinowski, M. (1991). Nevertheless, a commentary by Liu Bozhuang S!H6$£ on the Astronomical Chapter of the Sbiji states that Taiyi is the most exalted deity. This is stated in the opening sentence of the Astronomical Chapter (Tianguanshu See Sbiji, juan 27.
16 See Qian Baozong (1932) 'Taiyi kao %', Yanjing xuebao, 12:24492479.
17 In Guisi leigao, juan 10, on Taiyi and Tianyi and Taiyi riding on the Plough.
18 See Ho Peng Yoke (1966).
20 See Shiji, juan 28 Fengshanshu.
21 For Shen Gua, see further Chapter 5.
22 For the winds in numerology, see Loewe, Michael (1988b), The Oracles of the Clouds and Winds', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 51.3:500-520. Taiyi and Bafeng also had a part to play in traditional Chinese medicine. Taiyi made sojourn in different parts of the body at different periods. See Zinine, Serguei (1998), 'Numerological Restrictions in Traditional Chinese Medicine: Taiyi and Ba Feng Case', Paper presented at the Eighth International Conference on the History of Chinese Science, Berlin, 26-29 August 1998.
25 For wider meanings of the word 'dun see section on Dunjia
27 Here the example given is to find n from j and p in equation (2). It is equally simple to find n from y and q in equation (3). Tables are provided in Ho Peng Yoke (1996b), 'Taiyi shushu jiqi dui chuantong kexue de yingxiang AZjiiffil&S
The History of Science Newsletter (Taipei), 14:1-12.
28 This method is worked out specifically for the Historiographer's 'Remarks'. It does not replace the use of the Superior Epoch in general. It was not used in traditional China either.
29 Taisui is simply the branch of the year.
30 In Xin Yuanshi juan 241, liezhuan 139.
31 Senior-ranking officials would use the month, known as yueji Taiyi M ItAZ, and others in position would use the day, known as riji Taiyi BttAZl, for working out the Taiyi configuration on the cosmic board, all based on the ancient Superior Epoch. Methods of calculation are described in the Ming text Taiyiju.
32 Note that in the battlefield the white flag used in traditional China did not have its modern meaning. It could be used to comply with the principles of wuxing or it could be used as a sign of mourning. In the past, the recommended shape of a battle formation was determined by wuxing. Some modern fengshui experts select auspicious shapes of buildings for different professions and for clients bora on different dates.
33 See Wubeizhi, Taiyi miaosuan section.
34 See Yuan mishujianzhi, juan 7, p.5b.
35 See Appendix II and for further details see, for example, Ho Peng Yoke (1988), Cong li qi shu guandian tan Ziping tuimingfa #S^sfcflSiifci TifNpjft (Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong).
36 The independent nature of Chinese astronomy is given in Nakayama Shigeru tlilBS (1979), Senseijitsu Tokyo, esp. pp.30-32. See Appendix I on traditional Chinese astrology.
37 See Pingree, D. (1978) and Pingree, D. (1999), the latter being a paper presented at a conference dedicated to discussing calculations of Indian horoscopes according to Muslim models in the seventeenth century.
38 This book also shows the connection between the lunar mansions and different parts of the human anatomy. See Yano (1986).
39 A comprehensive description of Yixing's work in astronomy is given by Ang Tianse (1979), I-Hsing (683-727 ad): His Life and Scientific Work, PhD dissertation, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
See juan 24, p.19. In juan 8, p.2. See juan 191. See juan 54.
See Yano Michio ^»Mft (1986), Mikkyd no senseijitsu (Tokyo).
See Ishida Mikinosuke ^Bi^-ZSh (1950), p.49.
In the Hepburn system adopted for Japanese names in this book, 'Yabuuti Kiyosi' should read 'Yabuuchi Kiyoshi'. An exception is made here to respect the owner's personal preference to render his own name in the Japanese national system of romanization. In juan 7 and juan 10.
See Yano (1986) and also Niu Weixing and Jiang Xiaoyuan (1998), 'On the Ephemerides in Qiyao rangzaijue', Paper presented at the Third International Conference on Oriental Astronomy, Fukuoka, 26-29 October 1998. Juan 697 to juan 702.
See Needham, J. (1956), Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 2 (Cambridge), and Yano Michio (1986). As seen in this chapter, it is evident that the term 'Chinese astrology' referred to in the explanatory note attached to the diagram in Needham (1956) needs to be qualified when the horoscope in question applies only to one branch of Chinese astrology. Yabuuti (1999) is the ninth reprint of Yabuuti (1970). P.134.
I owe this to Yano for his gift of Yano, M. (1997), Kuyar Ibn Labban's Introduction to Astrology (Tokyo). From the Mingyi tianwenshu one can detect a detailed version of Hellenistic astrological medicine, which differed from the traditional application of shushu to Chinese medicine.
For further details on the origin of the Ziwei doushu system, see Ho Peng Yoke (1993).
See Huang Yi-Long (1993), 'Qing qianqi dui siyu dingyi ji cunfei de zhengzhi -shehui tianwenxueshi gean yanjiu §f: Ziran kexuesht yanjiu, 12.3:201-210; 12.4:344-354.
This was done simply by referring to sets of tables without having to look at the stars nor consult a modern Nautical Almanac. Figure 3.21b is another recasting performed by a practitioner in Taiwan using a slightly different version of the Ziwei doushu method. This is essentially the same as Figure 3.21a although it uses a circular horoscope instead of a square one. According to the practitioner, the subject would not have become a civil official or a scholar, but could have some achievement in business or industry. The original fourteenth-century interpretation was that the subject would lead an ordinary life, perhaps meaning that the subject would not become a civil official or man of any importance. Yishudian, juan 697 to 702.
These terms appeared in the Wuxing dayi, juan 5 p.2a. See Kalinowski (1991). It says that Tianyi manages Yutang at the stems of jia, wu geng and ren, Mingtang at yi, ji, xin, and Jianggong at bing, ding and gui. They were used in a different sense in the Taiyi rendao minfa. The term Jianggong originally meant a palace hall painted in the traditional Chinese red colour and Mingtang was a ceremonial palace hall where the emperor performed sacrificial offerings. The heart was also referred to as Jianggong (the Scarlet Hall) or Jiangzhang ^ft (Hall formed by Scarlet Tapestry). Yutang was also referred to as Yuzhang ZEfR (Hall formed by Jade-Like Tapestry), often referring to the military barracks of the commanding officer and hence some books with titles bearing this name were military manuals using the three cosmic boards.
See, for example, a modern text for the practitioner of the art, Liaowu jushi, Doushu paipan sucheng f/I^IB , p.79.
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